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Psychosomatic Medicine 66:343-348 (2004)
© 2004 American Psychosomatic Society

ORIGINAL ARTICLES

Immigrant Suicide Rates as a Function of Ethnophaulisms: Hate Speech Predicts Death

Brian Mullen, PhD and Joshua M. Smyth, PhD

From the Department of Psychology, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY.

Address correspondence and reprint requests to Brian Mullen, Department of Psychology, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13210. E-mail: BMullen{at}psych.syr.edu


   ABSTRACT
TOP
 ABSTRACT
INTRODUCTION
 METHODS
 RESULTS
 CONCLUSIONS
 REFERENCES
 
OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study was to determine whether suicide rates among ethnic immigrant groups were predicted by the ethnophaulisms, or the hate speech, used to refer to those ethnic immigrant groups.

METHODS: Data were obtained for 10 European ethnic immigrant groups during the 1950s. These 10 European ethnic immigrant groups accounted for approximately 40% of all immigration into the United States during this time period. Both the suicide rates for these ethnic immigrant groups in the United States and suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin were derived. The complexity and valence of ethnophaulisms used to refer to these ethnic immigrant groups were derived from the historical record of hate speech in the United States.

RESULTS: Consistent with previous research, immigrant suicide rates were strongly correlated with origin suicide rates. As expected, the suicide rates for ethnic immigrant groups in the United States were significantly predicted by the negativity of the ethnophaulisms used to refer to those ethnic immigrant groups. This pattern was obtained even after taking into account the suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin, and even after taking into account the size of those ethnic immigrant groups.

CONCLUSIONS: This study found support for the expectation that suicide rates among ethnic immigrant groups would be predicted by the hate speech directed toward those ethnic immigrant groups.

Key Words: suicide, • immigrants, • hate speech, • ethnophaulisms.


   INTRODUCTION
TOP
 ABSTRACT
 INTRODUCTION
METHODS
 RESULTS
 CONCLUSIONS
 REFERENCES
 
Efforts to delineate the etiology of suicide have included the study of factors such as hostility (1), depression (2), menstrual cycle phases (3), and the use of words indicating self-focused attention (4). One aspect of the study of suicide that has an extensive history is the study of suicide among immigrants (5–7). Several studies have demonstrated that suicide rates for ethnic immigrant groups in the host society (immigrant suicide rates) are strongly correlated with the suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin (origin suicide rates) (6–9). Despite this high correlation between immigrant suicide rates and origin suicide rates, immigrants typically evidence higher suicide rates than those found in their countries of origin and/or in the host country into which they have migrated (6,8). These higher suicide rates among immigrants are usually interpreted as evidence supporting Durkheim’s (5) model that suicides result from the individual’s failure to integrate into society and a corresponding detachment from social life.

One potential contribution to immigrant suicide rates that has not been explored is the use of hate speech toward ethnic immigrant groups. Recent research has documented the effect of the hate speech used to refer to ethnic immigrant groups on the way those ethnic immigrant groups are subsequently treated. Hate speech involves the use of ethnophaulisms (from the Greek roots meaning "a national group" and "to disparage"), or ethnic slurs directed toward targets because of their membership in an ethnic outgroup (10–17). Even in what is sometimes caricatured as a "politically correct" cultural climate, the popular media continue to report the use of ethnophaulisms in interethnic conflicts (18–20). Ethnophaulisms reflect how members of the receiving society think about members of ethnic immigrant groups (16,21,22), and these prevailing cognitive representations of ethnic immigrant groups tend to be simplified and negative in valence (16,23–28).

Scholars of intergroup behavior have suggested that the use of ethnophaulisms forecasts the exclusion of the targeted groups (17,29,30). In an effort to examine these speculations, Mullen and Rice (31) showed that the use of ethnophaulisms predicted the exclusion of ethnic immigrant groups from the host American society. Thus, ethnic immigrant groups that were referred to with simplified and negative ethnophaulisms were 1) less likely to marry native-born Americans; 2) more likely to participate in exclusively ethnic fraternal associations; 3) more likely to be segregated into ethnic neighborhoods; 4) more likely to be deemed suitable for hazardous work; 5) less likely to become naturalized citizens; and 6) more likely to be subjected to harsher immigration quota restrictions. Clearly, this type of ethnic discrimination can operate as a stressor (32,33), and might very well instantiate the detachment and social isolation central to Durkheim’s (5) model of suicide. Insofar as suicide is often conceptualized as an extreme response to exclusion and stress (5–7), this leads to the testable hypothesis that being the target of simplified and negative ethnophaulisms in hate speech may contribute to the rates of suicide exhibited for those ethnic immigrant groups.

However, even if suicide rates for ethnic immigrant groups are predicted by simplified and negative ethnophaulisms in hate speech, this association might reflect the influence of something about those ethnic immigrant groups that plays a more direct role in precipitating suicides. Consider the effects of group size: The ethnic immigrant group is, by definition, smaller than the receiving society into which they are immigrating. It could be that ethnic immigrant group size, and not the use of simplified and negative ethnophaulisms in hate speech toward these groups, determines variation in suicide rates. There are several lines of research supporting this possible effect of ethnic immigrant group size on immigrant suicide rates. First, there is a significant tendency for smaller groups to be subject to greater degrees of stereotyping and prejudice (34,35), which may operate as a stressor (32,36,37). Second, there is a significant tendency for smaller groups to be more likely to use words indicating self-focused attention (38,39), which Stirman and Pennebaker (4) have demonstrated to be predictive of increased suicide rates. Third, the social isolation and the lack of social support resulting from being in a relatively small ethnic immigrant group might simultaneously increase risk of suicide (40–43). Finally, perhaps most relevant to this investigation, there is a significant tendency for smaller groups to be referred to with simpler and more negative ethnophaulisms (16,25–28). Thus, the relatively small size of ethnic immigrant groups might be the critical predictor of both the use of simpler and more negative ethnophaulisms in hate speech and increased immigrant suicide rates; accordingly, the association between the use of simpler and more negative ethnophaulisms in hate speech and increased immigrant suicide rates might be demonstrated to be an epiphenomenon of the relatively small size of ethnic immigrant groups.

In summary, the goal of the current effort is to examine the extent to which the use of ethnophaulisms to refer to ethnic immigrant groups was associated with the suicide rates. Based on the results of previous research, we expected that immigrant suicide rates would be strongly correlated with suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin. More importantly, we expected that immigrant suicide rates would be predicted by the complexity and the valence of the ethnophaulisms used in hate speech to refer to ethnic immigrant groups. Ancillary analyses will examine the possible contributions of ethnic immigrant group size to these patterns.


   METHODS
TOP
 ABSTRACT
 INTRODUCTION
 METHODS
RESULTS
 CONCLUSIONS
 REFERENCES
 
Similar to previous studies (16,25–28,31), the present analyses were based on the historical record of hate speech in the United States for a sample of European ethnic groups (English, Germans, Hungarians, Irish, Italians, Norwegians, Poles, Scots, Swedes, and Welsh). Immigrant suicide rates and origin suicide rates per 100,000 population for the year 1959 were available for foreign-born immigrants in the United States for these 10 European ethnic immigrant groups (6). This time period was selected because the immigrant suicide rates data and origin suicide rates data for this time period have been highly cited (6,7,44), and because the historical record of hate speech in the United States (16,25–28,31) provides data for all of the other variables of interest for this time period.

Allen (10) served as the source for all information on ethnophaulisms. This compilation of more than 1000 terms used in hate speech (more than twice as long as any previous lexicon) provides an exhaustive record of the language of ethnic conflict in the United States. Ethnophaulism complexity was gauged in terms of the distribution of ethnophaulisms into a variety of categories. Allen (10) classified all ethnophaulisms into 6 mutually exclusive and exhaustive types: physical traits, personal traits, personal names, food habits, group names, and other (miscellaneous). Ethnophaulism complexity was derived as the Scott’s H statistic (48): When an array of ethnophaulisms for a given ethnic immigrant group is categorized into a smaller number of categories, and most of those ethnophaulisms are clustered into 1 category, this renders a small Scott’s H, indicating low ethnophaulism complexity. Additional details on this procedure are available in previously published research (16,25–28,31,45–47).

Ethnophaulism valence was gauged in terms of the negativity of the meaning of ethnophaulisms. Ethnophaulisms were rated by 2 judges on a scale from 1 (very negative) to 7 (very positive). These ratings were easily performed: Judges are, for example, able to reliably judge that dumb Polack for the Poles (from popular stories about stupidity) is relatively negative in valence, and that taffy for the Welsh (a diminutive of the Welsh sound for "Daffydd" or "David") is relatively moderate in valence, interjudge correlation r = 0.734, Spearman-Brown effective reliability R = 0.847. Ethnophaulism valence was derived as the mean judged negativity of the ethnophaulisms used to refer to an ethnic immigrant group. When each of the ethnophaulisms for a group is negative in valence, this renders a low average valence, indicating extreme negativity in cognitive representation. Additional details on this procedure are available in previously published research (16,25–28,31,45–47).

Immigrant group size was operationalized as the number of first-generation persons of that group determined by mother tongue and country of birth, as reported in the United States Census decennial reports for 1951 to 1960 (16,27,28). It should be emphasized that this is the most fine-grained indicator of ethnic immigrant group size available from the United States Census reports.


   RESULTS
TOP
 ABSTRACT
 INTRODUCTION
 METHODS
 RESULTS
CONCLUSIONS
 REFERENCES
 
Table 1 presents the data on group size, ethnophaulisms, and suicide rates for the ethnic immigrant groups under consideration here. Table 2 presents the descriptive statistics for all of the variables and the Pearson product moment correlations among them. It should be noted that during this time period, these 10 European ethnic immigrant groups accounted for approximately 40% of all immigration into the United States, and approximately 76% of all European immigration into the United States. Replicating the results of previous studies, the mean immigrant suicide rate per 100,000 population (M = 21.48) was significantly higher than the corresponding mean origin suicide rate per 100,000 population (M = 11.48), F(1,9) = 48.450, p = .000033. Also, again replicating the results of previous studies, immigrant suicide rates were strongly correlated with origin suicide rates, r(8) = +0.792, p = .00320. This suggests that any effort to examine the possible effects of ethnophaulism complexity and ethnophaulism valence on immigrant suicide rates needs to take into account origin suicide rates.


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  		TABLE 1. Data for the Variables Included in the Study
 

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  		TABLE 2. Descriptive Statistics for the Variables Included in the Study
 
Immigrant suicide rates were regressed on origin suicide rates, ethnophaulism complexity, and ethnophaulism valence. Once again, origin suicide rates were a strong predictor of immigrant suicide rates, ß = +0.769, t(6) = 4.342, p = .00243. Contrary to expectations, as illustrated in Figure 1a, after partialing out the variability due to origin suicide rates and ethnophaulism valence, ethnophaulism complexity was not a significant independent predictor of immigrant suicide rates, ß = +0.044, t(6) = 0.250, p = .4055. Consistent with expectations, as illustrated in Figure 1b, after partialing out the variability due to origin suicide rates and ethnophaulism complexity, ethnophaulism valence was a significant independent predictor of immigrant suicide rates, ß = –0.431, t (6) = 2.464, p = .0244. In other words, even after taking into account the suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin, the suicide rates for ethnic immigrant groups in the United States were significantly predicted by the negativity of the ethnophaulisms used to refer to those ethnic immigrant groups.



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  		Figure 1. Scattergram of relationships between components of hate speech and immigrant suicide (partialling out variability due to the other component of hate speech and origin suicide).

 
Finally, an effort was made to determine whether the prediction of immigrant suicide rates by the negativity of the ethnophaulisms was an epiphenomenon of ethnic immigrant group size. These data were subjected to structural equation modeling. As illustrated in Figure 2, the model allowed for the possibility that all 4 of the other variables might influence immigration suicide rates. The paths from immigrant group size to ethnophaulism complexity and ethnophaulism valence reflect previous demonstrations of the influence of ethnic immigrant group size on the use of ethnophaulisms. Note that the absence of paths from immigrant group size, ethnophaulism complexity, or ethnophaulism valence to origin suicide rates reflects the assumption that events in the United States would not be likely to exert any effect on suicide rates in European countries (Note that the inclusion of these implausible paths does not substantively alter the results of the structural equation modeling reported below).



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  		Figure 2. Path model depicting hypothesized links between group size, hate speech, and suicide (numbers represent standardized loadings from structural equation modeling, * p <. 05).

 
The {chi}2 fit index was used to determine whether the model can predict what is actually observed: The nonsignificant {chi}2 (3) = 1.390, p = .7080, indicates that the model is empirically valid. The relatively small Steiger-Lind RMSEA Index = 0.000 and the relatively large Joreskog GFI = 0.938 indicate a relatively good fit of the model (49,50). There was a significant path from ethnic immigrant group size to ethnophaulism complexity; however, there was no significant path from ethnic immigrant group size to immigrant suicide rates. In other words, consistent with previous research (16,25–28), smaller groups were subjected to simpler ethnophaulisms in hate speech; however, ethnic immigrant group size did not predict immigrant suicide rates. Once again, origin suicide rates were a strong predictor of immigrant suicide rates. Also, once again, ethnophaulism complexity was not a significant predictor of immigrant suicide rates, but ethnophaulism valence was a significant independent predictor of immigrant suicide rates. In other words, even after taking into account ethnic immigrant group size and the suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin, the suicide rates for ethnic immigrant groups in the United States were significantly predicted by the negativity of the ethnophaulisms used to refer to those ethnic immigrant groups in hate speech. Finally, it might appear from Table 1 and Figure 1b that the data for Poles exerts an inordinate influence on these results due to the extremely negative ethnophaulism valence for this group. However, the results reported here are replicated in all of their particulars when the data for Poles are eliminated, indicating that these patterns cannot be attributed to the untoward influence of a single outlier.


   CONCLUSIONS
TOP
 ABSTRACT
 INTRODUCTION
 METHODS
 RESULTS
 CONCLUSIONS
REFERENCES
 
Ethnic immigrant groups subjected to more negative ethnophaulisms, or hate speech, were more likely to commit suicide. This pattern was obtained even after taking into account the previously established association between immigrant suicide rates and the suicide rates for those ethnic immigrant groups in their countries of origin. This pattern was also obtained even after taking into account the plausible contribution of ethnic immigrant group size to immigrant suicide rates. These results support the previously unexplored premise of this effort, that hate speech kills.

An alternative account for the results presented above is that the direction of effect between ethnophaulism valence and immigrant suicide rates is reversed. In other words, one might argue that members of the receiving society were generating more negative ethnophaulisms for some groups in order to rationalize or explain the relatively higher suicide rates among those ethnic immigrant groups. If this were the case, then there should be some nonnegligible number of ethnophaulisms referring to qualities such as dysphoria or suicide. Out of the total of 215 ethnophaulisms for these 10 European ethnic immigrant groups, there are a few ethnophaulisms that imply "stupidity" (eg, cabbagehead for Germans; dumbsocks for Swedes). However, these ethnophaulisms comprise a negligible minority of ethnophaulisms (5/215 or 2.3%). Also, out of the total of 215 ethnophaulisms for these 10 European ethnic immigrant groups, there is not a single ethnophaulism like sadhead referring to dysphoria, or suicidesocks referring to suicide. Moreover, Allen’s (10) exegeses of ethnophaulisms indicates that these terms of hate speech typically derived from adult members of the receiving American society interacting with, and listening to the common names and native language of, members of these ethnic immigrant groups at work or in commercial transactions. In no instance does Allen (10) trace any ethnophaulisms back to an effort on the part of members of the receiving society to rationalize or explain any deviant or self-destructive behavior on the part of those ethnic immigrant groups. Therefore, the more parsimonious account for these results is that the prevailing cognitive representations of ethnic immigrant groups in the society at large, and the way those ethnic immigrant groups are referred to in hate speech, significantly predicts the tendency for members of those groups to commit suicide.

The archival nature of the patterns reviewed above involves a number of methodological limitations. For example, these types of archival data are characterized by a lack of experimental control. Moreover, there is a sense in which present data are "restricted." These analyses were restricted to a single time period, the number of ethnic immigrant groups considered in these analyses was only 10, and the array of ethnic immigrant groups considered in these analyses were all of European origin. The operationalization of ethnophaulism valence was based on contemporary judgments, and not on indications derived within the historical time period during which the ethnophaulism was generated. These limitations encourage a degree of caution in interpreting the results reported above.

Despite the limitations in these archival data, there remain unique advantages to these data as well. The single time period to which these analyses were restricted happens to be a time period for which the immigrant suicide rates and origin suicide rates have been highly cited (6,7,44). The relatively few, and exclusively European, ethnic immigrant groups considered in these analyses accounted for a nonnegligible 40% of all immigration into the United States at the time. Moreover, although these types of archival data are characterized by a lack of experimental control, they are also characterized by a remarkable level of ecological validity. The popular press continues to tabulate the use of ethnophaulisms as the currency of exchange in real-world transactions of intergroup conflict (18–20). There is growing awareness that this type of ethnic discrimination operates as a stressor, and can have a variety of deleterious consequences (32,36,37).

It is intriguing to note that there has been an increase in recent years in legislation designed to regulate hate crimes, at both the state level of government (51,52) and the federal level of government (53,54). The corresponding possibility of regulating hate speech has sparked a heated debate regarding implicit tensions between the First Amendment (freedom of speech) and the Fourteenth Amendment (equal protection under the law) of the United States Constitution (55). The results of the present effort contribute a sobering bit of evidence to this debate. The use of hate speech may be more than simply "mean spirited" or "hurtful" to the targets of hate speech. Instead, the use of hate speech may substantively contribute to mortality rates of the targets of hate speech.

Beyond the demonstrated relationship with suicide, accumulating evidence suggests that ethnophaulisms may serve as a general risk factor for psychological and somatic dysfunction (36,37,56–58). Future research should examine the costs of hate speech in a more comprehensive manner. For example, hate speech may influence health (more broadly defined) through exclusion (31), leading to poverty, segregation into unhealthy environments, reduced access to health care, and employment and educational policies that discriminate against stigmatized groups (59–61). Hate speech may be a risk factor for the development or exacerbation of organic diseases (most notably cardiovascular disease). Finally, a host of self-report and well-being outcomes could be examined. Thus, comprehensive evaluation of structural social consequences, morbidity and mortality, and individual-level well-being will allow examination of the costs of hate speech.

Received for publication June 5, 2003.


   REFERENCES
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 ABSTRACT
 INTRODUCTION
 METHODS
 RESULTS
 CONCLUSIONS
 REFERENCES
 

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